This story originally appeared in The Atlantic on 4th July 2016 under the header Opioid of the Masses, with the lede To many, Donald Trump feels good, but he can’t fix America’s growing social and cultural crisis, and the eventual comedown will be harsh. (Possible paywall)
Of course on one level, some might think this just the work of an ambitious, scheming, devious, rat cunning liar, fraud and hypocrite who has finally found his natural level as a dedicated suck, but the pond thinks it evocative of so much more, starting with a quintessential 'leet moment...
A few Saturdays ago, my wife and I spent the morning volunteering at a community garden in our San Francisco neighborhood. After a few hours of casual labor, we and the other volunteers dispersed to our respective destinations: tasty brunches, day trips to wine country, art-gallery tours. It was a perfectly normal day, by San Francisco standards.
That very same Saturday, in the small Ohio town where I grew up, four people overdosed on heroin. A local police lieutenant coolly summarized the banality of it all: “It’s not all that unusual for a 24-hour period here.” He was right: in Middletown, Ohio, that too is a perfectly normal day.
Folks back home speak of heroin like an apocalyptic invader, something that assailed the town mysteriously and without warning. Yet the truth is that heroin crept slowly into Middletown’s families and communities—not by invasion but by invitation.
Very few Americans are strangers to addiction. Shortly before I graduated from law school, I learned that my own mother lay comatose in a hospital, the consequence of an apparent heroin overdose. Yet heroin was only her latest drug of choice. Prescription opioids—“hillbilly heroin” some call it, to highlight its special appeal among white working-class folks like us—had already landed Mom in the hospital and cost our family dearly in the decade before her first taste of actual heroin. And before her own father gave up the bottle in middle age, he was a notoriously violent drunk. In our community, there has long been a large appetite to dull the pain; heroin is just the newest vehicle.
Of course, the pain itself has increased in recent years, and it comes from many places. Some of it is economic, as the factories that provided many U.S. towns and cities material security have downsized or altogether ceased to exist. Some of it is aesthetic, as the storefronts that once made American towns beautiful and vibrant gave way to cash-for-gold stores and payday lenders. Some of it is domestic, as rising divorce rates reveal home lives as dependable as steel-mill jobs. Some of it is political, as Americans watch from afar while a government machine that rarely tries to speak to them, and acts in their interests even less, sputters along. And some of it is cultural, from the legitimate humiliation of losing wars fought by the nation’s children to the illegitimate sense that some fall behind only because others jump ahead.
It enters minds, not through lungs or veins, but through eyes and ears, and its name is Donald Trump.
Or its name. might be J. D. Vance ... dedicated fellow traveller and now anointed head kicker ...
During this election season, it appears that many Americans have reached for a new pain reliever. It too, promises a quick escape from life’s cares, an easy solution to the mounting social problems of U.S. communities and culture. It demands nothing and requires little more than a modest presence and maybe a few enablers. It enters minds, not through lungs or veins, but through eyes and ears, and its name is Donald Trump.
Last Sunday, the day before Memorial Day, I met a Marine veteran of the Vietnam War at a local coffee shop. “I was lucky,” he told me. “At least I came home. A lot of my buddies didn’t. The thing is, the media still talks about us like we lost that war! I like to think my dead friends accomplished something.” Imagine, for that man, the vengeful joy of a Trump rally. That brief feeling of power, of defiance, of sending a message to the very political and media establishment that, for 45 years, has refused to listen. Trump brings power to those who hate their lack of it, and his message is tonic to communities that have felt nothing but decline for decades.
In some ways, Trump’s large, national coalition defies easy characterization. He draws from a broad base of good people: kind folks who open their homes and hearts to people of all colors and creeds, married couples with happy homes and families who live nearby, public servants who put their lives on the line to fight fires in their communities. Not all Trump voters spend their days searching for an analgesic.
Yet a common thread among Trump’s faithful, even among those whose individual circumstances remain unspoiled, is that they hail from broken communities. These are places where good jobs are impossible to come by. Where people have lost their faith and abandoned the churches of their parents and grandparents. Where the death rates of poor white people go up even as the death rates of all other groups go down. Where too many young people spend their days stoned instead of working and learning.
Many years ago, our neighbor (and my grandma’s old friend) in Middletown moved out and rented his house on a Section 8 voucher—a federal program that offers housing subsidies to low-income people. One of the first folks to move in called her landlord to report a leaky roof. By the time the landlord arrived, he discovered the woman naked on her couch. After calling him, she had started the water for a bath, gotten high, and passed out. Forget about the original leak, now much of the upstairs—including her and her children’s possessions—was completely destroyed. Not every Trump voter lives like this woman, but nearly every Trump voter knows someone who does.
Though the details differ, men and women like my neighbor represent, in the aggregate, a social crisis of historic proportions. There is no group of people hurtling more quickly to social decay. No group of people fears the future more, dies with such frequency from heroin, and exposes its children to such significant domestic chaos. Not long ago, a teacher who works with at-risk youth in my hometown told me, “We’re expected to be shepherds to these children, but they’re all raised by wolves.” And those wolves are here—not coming in from Mexico, not prowling the halls of power in Washington or Wall Street—but here in ordinary American communities and families and homes.
Trump’s promises are the needle in America’s collective vein.
Or perhaps Vance's words are deadly air bubble waffles in America's collective vein ...
Whatever ...
What Trump offers is an easy escape from the pain. To every complex problem, he promises a simple solution. He can bring jobs back simply by punishing offshoring companies into submission. As he told a New Hampshire crowd—folks all too familiar with the opioid scourge—he can cure the addiction epidemic by building a Mexican wall and keeping the cartels out. He will spare the United States from humiliation and military defeat with indiscriminate bombing. It doesn’t matter that no credible military leader has endorsed his plan. He never offers details for how these plans will work, because he can’t. Trump’s promises are the needle in America’s collective vein.
Cooling the rhetoric in the collective vein:
Whatever ...
The great tragedy is that many of the problems Trump identifies are real, and so many of the hurts he exploits demand serious thought and measured action—from governments, yes, but also from community leaders and individuals. Yet so long as people rely on that quick high, so long as wolves point their fingers at everyone but themselves, the nation delays a necessary reckoning. There is no self-reflection in the midst of a false euphoria. Trump is cultural heroin. He makes some feel better for a bit. But he cannot fix what ails them, and one day they’ll realize it.
I’m not sure when or how that realization arrives: maybe in a few months, when Trump loses the election; maybe in a few years, when his supporters realize that even with a President Trump, their homes and families are still domestic war zones, their newspapers’ obituaries continue to fill with the names of people who died too soon, and their faith in the American Dream continues to falter. But it will come, and when it does, I hope Americans cast their gaze to those with the most power to address so many of these problems: each other. And then, perhaps the nation will trade the quick high of “Make America Great Again” for real medicine.
J.D. Vance is the author of Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis.
In short:
“Until this moment, Senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty or your recklessness…. Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of decency?”
Sheesh, just get on board the plane ...
...Trump’s plane is big, and it has a shiny new paint job, but from a true private-jet aficionado’s point of view, those are about its only virtues. “It’s like if you wanted to brag about having a massive yacht, so you bought the Staten Island Ferry and converted it,” says a private-jet broker who prefers not to be identified. “That’s not something that people who really know yachts would find impressive.”
Trump Force One, you might say, is a poor man’s idea of a rich man’s plane — a big shiny bauble that behind the scenes is “a plane past its prime with decaying mechanics and exorbitant storage fees,” as CNN put it. Which raises the question: Why is a guy supposedly as rich as Trump is flying around in such a jalopy? According to Bloomberg, he’s worth $6.5 billion. People with this kind of wealth generally fly planes like the Gulfstream G650 or the Dassault Falcon 8X, the Porsches and Lamborghinis of the air. By comparison, Trump is flying a secondhand school bus.
It’s not really that complicated, though. To understand the crappiness of Trump’s plane, it helps to know a bit more about planes and Trump.
And for that, the New York magazine here...
And here for these:
Is JD the biggest turncoat turnaround since the prodigal son?
ReplyDeleteI no history buff. What other examples are there of such a bold faced reversal as JD?
Good question, and googling turncoat is a good starting point.
Deletehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turncoat
Probably the most famous in a US context is Benedict Arnold ...
John Rentouol did a list of the top 10 turncoats in The Independent ...
https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/the-top-10-turncoats-a7561301.html
... including Alcibiades, Charles Williams-Wynn, Lord Goderich, Benjamin F Butler, Emmeline Pankhurst, Winston Churchill, Oswald Mosley, Paul Marsden, Tasmina Ahmed-Sheikh, and Winsotnn McKenzie.
This is a very British list, but you could do the same for Australia. The pond's personal favourite is alleged Labor man Albert Field, who transformed himself into a Joh lackey and so scored a Senate seat.
Moving past Judas, Quisling and Vichy France, you could, depending on your point of view, get agitated about Mir Jafar, Hanoi Jane (never mind her being right), Blaise Compaoré and so on, but at some point the betrayal of traitor and treason gets confused and conflated with those who simply change sides for personal convenience, fame and glory, shedding what they were for the prize of a plumb perk of a job and a few pieces of silver, in the Vance manner ...
Quora offered this list of ancients ...
In no particular order, without Googling, and assuming the historicity of a few biblical personalities, here are a few traitors who are as famous as Arnold around the world, or even more so:
Cain, brother of Abel
Marcus Junius Brutus, of et tu, Brute fame
Gaius Cassius Longinus, his co-conspirator
David, King of Israel (betrayed Uriah to cause his death in the battlefield)
Judas Iscariot
Vidkun Quisling
William “Lord Haw-Haw” Joyce (Irish pro-Nazi propagandist)
Robert Hanssen (Soviet mole inside the FBI, currently serving time in ADX Florence for treason and espionage)
Note that at least two of those names (quisling and Judas) are common English words to describe traitors in general. I’ve never heard someone referred to as “an Arnold” in the same way.
Some more regional examples might include:
Guy Fawkes and Robert Catesby, the Gunpowder Plotters.
The “Cambridge Five” of Soviet spies
Mir Jafar, who betrayed Bengal to the East India Company and thereby kicked off British colonisation of the Indian subcontinent. Many subcontinental languages such as Urdu use “Mir Jafar” in the same way that English-speakers would use “Judas”.
https://www.quora.com/Who-is-the-world-s-most-famous-traitor-besides-Benedict-Arnold
You could even add Ronny Raygun who, IIRC, started out as a Democrat(ic).
DeleteThanks DP.
DeletePlenty of turncoats to choose from.
Perhaps a media wag might combine "JD"+turncoat name to allow some mud to stick.
JD "Benedict-Arnold" Vance.
Pity those who need eealise JD and turncoat are synonomous just wont see it...
"Reality” is constructed by your brain. Here’s what that means, and why it matters."
https://neuroscience.stanford.edu/news/reality-constructed-your-brain-here-s-what-means-and-why-it-matters
ReplyDeleteVietnam vet: "The thing is, the media still talks about us like we lost that war!" That's because you did lose it, matey; in case you hadn't noticed the north Vietnamese took over and Saigon no longer exists. Instead, there's Ho Chi Minh City.
Just another case of winning all the battles (well, at least those that the Aussies didn't have to win for you) but losing the war. I think that might have happened once or twice in history. Think about Afghanistan and Iraq, for instances.
Atlantic: "Trump brings power to those who hate their lack of it...". Does he ? Does he really ? Ok, so that's what Hitler and Mussolini and Stalin and Franco and a whole bunch of folks from way back in human recorded history have done. Did Menzies do that ? Will Dutton do that when those folk who hate their lack of power vote him into PMship ?
ReplyDeleteAtlantic: "Trump is cultural heroin. He makes some feel better for a bit. But he cannot fix what ails them, and one day they’ll realize it." Oh no they won't - crowds still gather to 'admire' the likes of Stalin and Boris Johnson. And Dutton. To "wake up" would be to admit to ludicrous stupidity and to notice that none of their problems have actually been fixed, or even just ameliorated a little bit, at all.
ReplyDeleteDo not waste a lifetime waiting for fools to stop being foolish.
And after all that, the o managed to pull it all over Trump as a pathway to his own ultimate accession to presidency. Hence the question is whether Vance is "serious" or whether he's just playing a game and as has been pointed out in the past, the 'passionate' can actually change from one set of obsessive beliefs to a contrary set of beliefs 'overnight' as it were.
ReplyDeleteSo will we one day have to acknowledge President Vance ?
Sheesh: "has Vance managed to pull it all over Trump"
DeleteIs anybody else thinking about Rudolf Hess ?
DeleteSo, Ted: "Renewables have a role to play as part of a balanced energy mix..." Oh right, "balanced energy mix" combined with a completely unbalanced climate mix - yair, just the thing we need the most.
ReplyDeleteAnd more: "The point is that it's foolhardy to put all your eggs in one basket." But we, and the planet, only have one egg in a single basket: the solar heat exchange climate that applies all over the planet.
Then: "...defunded abating technologies such as CCS" which has never worked anywhere - just like nuclear fusion, it's a nice idea that we just haven't got to actually work and we may never manage to. Just another daydream beloved of ignorant wingnuts.
So Ted reckons we should "...pour more gas into the market and put downward pressure on prices." And put upward pressure on global heating - a point that seems to utterly and totally escape the cognisance of Ted and the LNP.
Frank Dee Reply to Mavo: "...it’s a pretty good shot (unlike the sniper’s)". Actually, the sniper's shot was pretty good for somebody who hasn't so far been projected as any kind of gun nut - missed by just about 2.5cm over a 130m distance.