Sunday, March 01, 2026

In which the pond does Polonius prattling on patriotism and "The Hill doctrine", but then slides further downhill into a fundamentalist Xian rabbit hole ...

 

The pond overdid yesterday - the pond was astonished when one correspondent claimed to have read "Ned's" natter, which is a bit like saying they tossed off War and Peace in an hour - and so was hoping that a serve of Polonial prattle would settle the nerves.

Alas, it only exacerbated an ever-deepening nausea ...



The header: Labor minister Julian Hill challenges progressive left in patriotism speech; Two Labor politicians – Anthony Albanese and Julian Hill – have delivered starkly different messages on education and multiculturalism.

The caption for the prime goose who managed to score a shout out from Polonius and a handsome Emilia collage: Julian Hill, a left-wing Labor frontbencher, ‘almost chan­nelled Tony Abbott by recognising the importance of Anzac Day, Australia’s British parliamentary democratic inheritance alongside Indigenous history and culture, and the celebration of “new people taking Australian citizenship as a welcome act of patriotism”.’ Picture composite: Emilia Tortorella

For once that Emilia collage is fitting, because that prime goose deserved to be fitted up with a fit of Australian flag-waving.

The pond wonders if he might question his ineffable stupidity when he discovers he's been soundly endorsed by Polonius?

Probably not, the ALP is littered with hacks and mates and bears with little brain. 

In these situations the pond is always reminded of that quote in The Wire made by Royce's ex-chief of staff, Coleman Parker, to Norman: "They always disappoint. Closer you get, the more you look. All of them."

Go on, disappoint:

It’s a tale of two speeches: the first on February 20 by Anthony Albanese to the Australian Education Union federal conference in Melbourne; the second on Wednesday by Citizenship, Customs and Multicultural Affairs Assistant Minister Julian Hill to the McKell Institute in Sydney.
The AEU is a left-leaning trade union. The McKell Institute is a Labor-right think tank. Albanese was a member of Labor’s Left faction until he became the party’s leader. Hill is a member of Labor’s Left.
What was surprising turned on the fact that the Prime Minister and his assistant minister took different tacks. Albanese appeared to speak without reference to a written text. The Prime Minister’s office issued what is termed a speech transcript.
Hill, on the other hand, delivered a long written speech. He told Radio National Breakfast on Thursday that he had been thinking about the content of his address “for months, or in some cases years, but it just kind of came together at this moment”.
It was Hill’s speech that made the news while Albanese’s address was all but overlooked. Yet both were important.

The reptiles interrupted with a snap so that Polonius could cluck-cluck and tut-tut: Anthony Albanese ‘expressed concern about “far-right ideological positions”, which he seemed to imply were evident only in non-government schools’. Picture: NewsWire / Luis Enrique Ascui




The tendency for Polonius to tyke is never far below the surface, and so it was today...

The focus of the Prime Minister’s speech turned on government or public education. Early on, he declared pride “that my son went through the entire system through public school … and it made a difference”. Albanese made no reference to the fact that he himself studied at St Mary’s Cathedral School in Sydney when it was run by the Catholic order of Christian Brothers.
It is understood that the Christian Brothers advised Albanese’s single mother, who was an invalid pensioner living in social housing, that she need pay only what was affordable by her with respect to the education of her son. A generous but not unusual act at the time.
In his AEU speech, the Prime Minister made no reference to his education in a low-fee Catholic school. In fact, he did not mention private or non-government schools. Rather, he opined “strengthening our public education system has always informed the priorities and the work of Labor governments; it is what Labor does”.
In what could be read as an implied criticism of non-government schools, Albanese said “at a time where we talk about social cohesion … in this country, one of the things about public schools is that they’re open to everyone”.
He said in the government education system “kids don’t see race, religion, gender, anything else, they just see kids; hatred and division is something that’s learned”.
Earlier the Prime Minister expressed concern about “far-right ideological positions”, which he seemed to imply were evident only in non-government schools. A controversial position, to be sure.
Towards the end of his address, the Prime Minister commented: “Certainly, if you look at where I was born and the circumstances, you would’ve got pretty good odds against me standing here addressing you as Prime Minister today.” Quite so. He went on to thank his mother again but made no mention of the Christian Brothers.

Hmm, probably no need to mention the leather straps that were paraded routinely and with vigour at the CB school in Tamworth, which sent tyke boys of the pond's acquaintance into a heap of shivering fear, but never mind, at this point the reptiles offered the hive mind the chance to be distracted by the dog botherer offering a standard burst of Islamophobia, Sky News host Chris Kenny details how the ISIS brides are returning to Australia despite their husbands actively being a part of a radical Islamist caliphate. “The issue of Islamic State families returning to Australia also relates to the threat of Islamist extremism and terrorism in this country,” Mr Kenny said. “Let's be clear, the so-called ISIS brides and their husbands were part of a radical Islamist caliphate that took the barbarity of Islamist extremism to unprecedented levels.”




Whenever the pond sees that method of generating fear, it's always reminded of the nuns who wandered through Fellini's movies and through many other flicks and through the pond's early schooling ... thereby reviving the pond's ancient fear of copping a slap on the cheek from a hooded peril.





Those snaps are from Ken Russell's extremely fruity The Devils, though if you're a student of nun flicks, you should always find room for the Powell-Pressburger epic, Black Narcissus:


 



Barking mad, and for devotees of the genre, there's 15 nun flicks listed here...

But the pond digresses, but then so does Polonius, because amazingly he's reached this point without hitting on his keyboard shortcut that announces there are no conservatives in the ABC ...

It’s little wonder that Hill’s speech attracted attention, especially coming from a member of Labor’s Left. Early on, he referred to the “shocking antisemitic attack – the killings at Bondi Beach fuelled by a radical Islamist ideology” that he described as a “perversion of Islam”. Not many members of the Australian left concede that there is such a thing as radical Islam.
As would be expected from any talented politician, Hill had his criticisms of his political rivals, namely One Nation and the Liberal Party. But the focus of the McKell Institute speech was what Hill called “the progressive left” and its unwillingness to acknowledge that those who settle in Australia should “not import foreign communal conflicts into our society”.
Hill made this point: “Many decent Australians have attended ‘Marches for Australia’ or may vote for One Nation … they deserve to be listened to rather than dismissed: the economic concerns of frankly pissed-off people or worries about integration are real.”
Hill went on to warn of “the dangers of radical Islamist politics and ideologies” and express concern about gender segregation, forced marriages and homophobic abuse of gay children. And he targeted “neo-Nazis, criminal gangs and ISIS” in one sentence.
Then Hill turned his attention to education, pointing out that “over the last decade there were 320 new Catholic and independent schools and only 279 new government schools”.

The pond has already gone down that both siderist, Charlottesville, "good people on both sides" routine, and so was amazed when the reptiles interrupted to reveal the sort of loons that the prize goose suggested we should be listening to rather than dismiss, Neo-Nazi groups are reportedly working to regroup, after disbanding prior to hate speech reforms passed parliament. Picture: Simon Bullard/NewsWire



Yeah, that mob, sunnies 'n singing, n'all ...

Go on, both siderist that mob of goons.

The pond understands a little. 

When you're a low rent assistant minister, you're by definition a bear of little brain, and so will be pleased to have anyone turn up to a speech, and even be pleased by Polonius paying attention to your mindless offerings...

He said “over the last seven years the proportion of students attending a school with a religious affiliation (Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, Sikh and more) has grown and in 2025 surpassed one-third to reach 33.9 per cent or 1.4 million students”.
He expressed concern about reports of “quite extreme or conservative curricula being used” but did not identify what institutions he had in mind. Hill added: “This is not an argument against faith-based schools, I attended one myself.”
At the end of the McKell Institute address, Hill expressed thanks to his audience for coming along at short notice. This suggests that the speech may have been timed to give attention to his “final few words about patriotism”. He stated that “controversially to some … this means embracing Australia Day for as long as there is no consensus to change the date, as a day to reflect, celebrate and be proud of our country and our complex history”.
Hill went on almost chan­nelling Tony Abbott by recognising the importance of Anzac Day, Australia’s British parliamentary democratic inheritance alongside Indigenous history and culture, and the celebration of “new people taking Australian citizenship as a welcome act of patriotism”.
And there was the hard point – directed at the left-intelligentsia. Hill stated: “Many of us like to don Aussie garb and people don’t want to be sneered at for loving Australia.” This a rejection of what I have termed the sneering left-wing interpretation of Australian history which is replete with guilt and self-hatred. In other words, a repudiation of the alienation of Manning Clark’s history and a focus on the Australian achievement.
It’s difficult to imagine a left-wing Labor frontbencher making such a pitch to patriotism before the radical Islamist attack on the Australian Jewish community on December 14, 2025. It remains to be seen whether the Prime Minister will embrace the Hill doctrine in future addresses.

Oh sheesh, more than enough already.

"The Hill doctrine"?

Let's not give the bear of little brain too much praise, or he might get stuck in a tree trying to reach for a bit of honey comb.

As always in such moments, the pond turns to Haaretz.

They were distracted by King Donald's plans to destabilise the region, as were others, with this in The Independent noting...

Trump advisers would prefer if Israel bombed Iran first as the ‘politics are a lot better’, says report

That came to pass, making the chant "Make America first and isolationist again" sound a little hollow, as the reptiles were forced to pay attention and go LIVE... (well it's not an away game like Pakistan v. Afghanistan, this is a core Australian Zionist Daily News home game).



But even while King Donald's minions were suggesting that Benji lead the way in bermbing Iran, so that the real culprits could skulk in the shadows, because that would look good, Haaretz still had space for this ...

'They Had Murder in Their Eyes' Reports: Four Wounded After Israeli Settlers Assault Palestinians, Activists in West Bank (*archive link)



And for this ...

Israel Police, IDF Clash Over Probe Into Killing of Palestinian-American Teen in West Bank (*archive link)



And then the pond came to grating, garrulous Gemma ...

‘No more bloodshed’: We need a radical course correction
Australia is not learning from Bondi massacre as extremism threat continues to grow
In the absence of honest conversations about the clear and present danger from extremism, it feels as if we’re still simmering, instead of having the heat turned down.
By Gemma Tognini

...and baulked at the jump.

The pond decided a change of course was urgently needed. 

Back in the day - in the times of angry Sydney Anglicans and rampant Pellism - the pond would spend its Sunday meditating in a religious way befitting a heathen secularist and barbarian atheist.

Instead the reptiles kept flinging useless bits of detritus into the digital ether ...

EXCLUSIVE
Randa Abdel-Fattah used $889k tax grant to fund ‘intifada’ chant protest: report
Macquarie University has been forced to release the ­findings of its review of Abdel-Fattah’s unorthodox research techniques and expenditure.
By Natasha Bita



So she's been cleared and the grant reinstated?

But that's never enough for the gnawing reptiles, always wanting to gnash at the bit.

Spend six unholy minutes on a Sunday watching Natasha gnashing?!

Instead of any of that, the pond thought it would take as its text the KJV of Genesis 18-21:

18: In the same day the Lord made a covenant with Abram, saying, Unto thy seed have I given this land, from the river of Egypt unto the great river, the river Euphrates:
19: The Kenites, and the Kenizzites, and the Kadmonites,
20: And the Hittites, and the Perizzites, and the Rephaims,
21: And the Amorites, and the Canaanites, and the Girgashites, and the Jebusites.

It is of course the text that Tucker quoted to the hustling Huckster.

Some liberal Xians have tried to suggest that the KJV got it wrong, and that the "river of Egypt" isn't a river or isn't the Nile, but fair's fair. 

There aren't too many rivers of Egypt that match the Nile, especially when it's a river nicely positioned to mark the beginning of Israel.

The pond notes that the bible is allegedly inerrant and mono/univocal, and that any alleged contradictions are simply click bait for YouTubers of the Dan McClellan kind.

But truth to tell, Tucker caught the Huckster napping, and while Tucker might be barking mad, he has a rat cunning for gotchas, and given the berming of Iran - is there ever a war Benji hasn't loved to stay out of clink? - it might be worth examining Israel as the biggest imperial state on the middle east block.

That's why  the pond was delighted to see that the Huckster had turned up in Vanity Fair to try to redeem his situation:

Mike Huckabee, Trump’s Ambassador to Israel, Defends His “Kind Of Strange” Interview With Tucker Carlson 
In a wide-ranging interview with Vanity Fair, the US ambassador to Israel explained his controversial comments to Tucker Carlson and addressed a shift in public opinion against Israel over its bloody war in Gaza. (*archive link)

The introduction to the interview didn't augur well ...

US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee sparked a major diplomatic incident last week when, in an interview with Tucker Carlson, he said he would “be fine” if Israel “took it all.” By it all, he meant the land that, in a literal interpretation of biblical scripture, was promised by God to the descendants of Abraham—give or take, a vast swath of the Middle East.
Huckabee quickly backtracked after Carlson expressed consternation at the idea of an American diplomat signaling approval for a single country annexing almost the entire Levant, half of Saudi Arabia and a good chunk of Egypt. He did not take back his claim he would “be fine” with Israel taking the land, but instead claimed the country has no current plans to do so. Israel’s neighbors were unamused, condemning the remarks as “dangerous and inflammatory” in a joint statement and arguing they endanger regional stability. According to The New York Times, the comments could even have forestalled American strikes on Iran. Politico reported that Trump administration officials were calling Arab countries for damage control.
The two-hour interview with Carlson, held at Ben Gurion Airport, had other eye-popping moments. As Huckabee defended Israel’s killing of tens of thousands of children in Gaza, Carlson asked: “Do you hear yourself?” The debate reflected a growing fissure in Donald Trump’s base. Carlson’s faction is increasingly critical of Israel, which has coincided with souring opinion among younger Americans—on the right and the left. A recent poll found that more than half of younger Americans have a negative view of Israel, a number that spiked as the country waged a bloody war in Gaza that killed more than 75,000 people and left the densely populated enclave in ruins. A Gallup poll out this week found that for the first time since they started polling, more Americans sympathize with Palestinians over Israelis.

(That Gallup poll can be found here, though Gallup is currently unpopular with the pond because it cravenly refuses to do popularity contests when it comes to King Donald).

Poor old fundamentalist, the rapture is coming for the Huckster ...

Vanity Fair: I wanted to speak about your role in Israel as a US ambassador and the debate that has followed your interview with Tucker Carlson. What have you made of the response to that interview?
Mike Huckabee: I’ve been very pleased. People that saw it thought that it was kind of bizarre in some ways, that he went off on some rabbit holes that were very difficult to understand, like DNA testing for Jewish people in Israel, the ridiculous and reckless claim that President Herzog had been at Epstein Island—something he later edited out, reformatted his program, and then issued a video apology for that. There were a number of things that were just kind of strange. And then the first 30 minutes that he went back and tacked on to the interview was filled with stuff that had us scratching our heads, like treatment at the airport, at the executive lounge and stuff.
There were an overwhelming number of people who felt like I didn’t lose my cool. I was able to push back on some things. He normally will give a guest like Nick Fuentes or Darryl Cooper, or some of the people that have some very strange views, or the Iranian president, or Vladimir Putin, and he’ll give them 65% of the time of his show and he’ll spend 35% asking the questions. With me, it was exactly the opposite. He talked 65% of the time and gave me about 35% of the time to respond to questions. And [he] interrupted me, I think one analyst said, like 500 times.
VF: Did you hear from the White House? Tucker Carlson apparently met with Trump this week.
Huckabee: Nothing negative. I heard positive things, but nothing negative.
VF: There was one exchange that sparked coverage. Carlson asked you if Israel was entitled, according to a literal interpretation of biblical scripture, to claim much of the modern Middle East. And your response was, “It would be fine if they took it all.” When he pressed, you said that Israel didn’t have any intentions to take over all that territory, which includes the land of many other countries. Could you tell us what happened there?
Huckabee: He had pressed and pressed and pressed, and he just wouldn’t let it go. And I finally, it was really tongue-in-cheek, said, “Well, they can just have it all.” And then I immediately, five times, five times said, “Tucker, they’re not trying to take over everything that is listed from the Nile to the Euphrates. They’re just not.” And made that very clear. He took an edited version of that and he left that part out. He ended his clip—that he sent to apparently every Arab nation in the world—and put it out that this was the full exchange. So therefore there was so much consternation about it.
I thought that was a very deceptively edited piece, and dishonest and disingenuous to do it that way. It would be like me saying, “I watched the hockey game between the US and Canada in the Olympics, but I didn’t watch the last 30 seconds.” So the question is, Do I really know how that hockey game went? Well, not if you edited out the last 30 seconds. And I would say that if you edited out the rest of my response, you have no idea what I really said. (Carlson declined to comment to Vanity Fair.)
VF: There are people in the Israeli government who do want to pursue what they call Greater Israel. Would you support those efforts?
Huckabee: Honestly, I’ve never heard anyone—and I’m pretty close to a lot of the people by virtue of my job. I deal with ’em every day. I have honestly never heard a single person say, “Yeah, the land should be the Euphrates to the Nile.” I’ve never heard it, ever.

The pond is pleased to suggest a link to the Huckster, though his hackles would probably rise if he found himself at Al Jazeera, reading ...

What is Greater Israel, and how popular is it among Israelis?
Recent US and Israeli comments on ‘Greater Israel’ trigger regional concerns over sovereignty and territorial expansion.

The pond will cut to the chase and clip this key gobbet:

How has Israel worked to achieve expansion?
The current state of Israel emerged from the British Mandate for Palestine in 1948. The mandate, created by the League of Nations in the wake of World War I and the occupation of Palestine by the British, geographically limited Israel upon its creation.
The 1948 war that followed the end of the mandate led to Israel taking control of all of Mandatory Palestine, with the exception of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
But Israel soon expanded by force – in 1967 it defeated Arab forces and took control of the West Bank and Gaza, as well as Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, and Syria’s occupied Golan Heights. Israel continues to occupy all of those regions, with the exception of the Sinai, which it returned to Egypt in 1982.
Since then, Israel has ignored international law and continued occupying Palestinian and Syrian land, and has shown little respect for its neighbours’ sovereignty, occupying more land in Syria, as well as in Lebanon.
How popular is the idea of Greater Israel?
This needs to be broken down into two separate concepts – the expansion of Israel into the territory that immediately borders it, and the most extreme definition of Greater Israel: between the Nile and the Euphrates.
In terms of expansion into its immediate surroundings, Israeli Jews by and large support the annexation of East Jerusalem, which is occupied Palestinian territory, and the Golan Heights.
The Israeli government continues to move towards the de facto annexation of the occupied West Bank. Israeli politicians vary in how open they are in their support for the formal annexation of the West Bank, but most mainstream Israeli politicians are supportive of the illegal Israeli settlements in the territory.
An expansion of Israeli settlements into Gaza is not as popular, but is supported by far-right Israeli parties.
A Greater Israel, including parts of Jordan, or the most irredentist definition between the Euphrates and the Nile, is more controversial. Pre-1948, many Zionists sought not just Palestine but also Jordan for their future state – one of the most important Zionist armed groups at the time, the Irgun, even included the map of both Palestine and Jordan in its emblem.
But after the foundation of Israel this took a back seat, and open calls for a vastly expanded Israel were largely restricted to the fringes. But those fringes – far-right figures like Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir – are now in government, reflecting a wider radicalisation within Israeli society itself.
That means the Israeli ‘mainstream’, politicians such as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and centrists like Lapid, are either more open in their support for some form of Greater Israel beyond the West Bank, or less willing to publicly oppose it.

And there was also this in Al Jazeera:

The Carlson-Huckabee interview may be the wake-up call Americans needed
The interview brought the ‘Israel first vs America first’ debate to heart of the American right.

Inter alia ...

...American academics have long been interested in Israel’s oversized influence on US politics. Scholars like John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt have written extensively about the issue.
But for many years, this scrutiny was largely confined to academia or left-wing activist circles. Conservatives and liberals labelled such critics as conspiracy theorists or anti-Semites.
The Carlson-Huckabee interview has perhaps let the cat out of the bag on the American right.
What makes the interview important is not simply the substance of Huckabee’s remarks, but the interviewer, venue, audience, and underlying message of the line of questioning.
A hugely popular conservative media figure travelled to Israel and publicly pressed a sitting US ambassador on whether American interests are being subordinated to Israeli interests. He questioned the theological and historical underpinnings of Zionism, criticised Israel’s treatment of Palestinian Christians, and asked why US tax dollars are sent to Israel.
In his responses, the ambassador appeared to speak more as a representative of the Israeli government than the United States government.
Judging by Huckabee’s defensive reaction after the interview and its social media fallout, he is learning an important lesson: appearing to put Israel first and America second is no longer an asset, but a liability, for American politicians.
Elected American officials will be watching the public reaction carefully — especially in light of polling data showing that American public opinion towards Israel has shifted dramatically in recent years.
The political incentive that has driven decades of unconditional support for Israel has now been weakened. The political calculus, too, is changing — it may be politically advantageous for American officials to adopt more evenhanded, even openly critical, approaches to Israel.
This alone marks a significant shift.
Carlson’s interview with Huckabee did not create that shift, but it brought it into the heart of the American right. If the question “America first or Israel first” can now be asked openly in conservative circles, then important political boundaries have already been broken.
The Carlson-Huckabee interview could be the wake-up call that American politics needed to break free from the outsized influence of a Middle Eastern country that has long undermined US interests.

Well yes, there's a reason the pond calls the lizard Oz The Australian Daily Zionist News, but there's no sign it will break free from the outsized influence of a certain Middle Eastern country

And having gone down the Xian fundamentalist rabbit hole, one thing led to another, and in particular to ...

The Right-Wing Nonprofit Serving A.I. Slop for America’s Birthday
PragerU, a fount of Judeo-Christian edutainment, is now a key partner in the Trump Administration’s “civic education” campaign. (*archive link)

The pond will begin at the beginning:

In his new book, “If There Is No God: The Battle Over Who Defines Good and Evil,” the right-wing radio host and edutainment impresario Dennis Prager spends a couple of pages discussing the killing, in 1989, of a sixteen-year-old American girl by her parents, one of whom was Muslim and born in the West Bank. “I’m not picking on them because they’re Muslim or because they’re Palestinian,” Prager writes. “It just happens that this story was about them.” In the next paragraph, Prager seems to change his mind about why he’s picking on them: “In many parts of the Arab world, parents essentially own their children, especially daughters.”
Ostensibly, Prager is recounting this awful crime because it illustrates a central question taken up by his book, which is “Why do people hurt other people?” The answer, by and large, turns out to be secularism. “The death of God has led to massive deaths of men, women, and children,” Prager writes, citing the “secular doctrines” of Nazism and communism. Secular creep, he goes on, “also appears to be leading to the death of Western civilization.” One might wonder why Prager would choose a thirty-seven-year-old murder, which he implies is linked to monotheistic religious extremism, to build his case against secularism. But the God he has in mind is specifically that of “the Judeo-Christian outlook.” The sole “source of objective morality,” Prager suggests, is the Bible. Prager does not mention that the murdered girl’s mother, who held her down while her father stabbed her to death, was Catholic and from Brazil, a country whose most famous landmark is a hundred-and-twenty-four-foot statue called “Christ the Redeemer.”
“If There Is No God” is not the worst thing Prager has ever written. (That honor may go to a two-part op-ed from 2008, titled “When a Woman Isn’t in the Mood,” in which he explains why wives should have sex with their husbands even when they don’t feel like it.) That said, if Prager’s new book were a term paper, his teacher would have a lot to say. She might flag, for instance, that lack of symmetry between his argument and his choice of grisly anecdote. She might object to the tautological reasoning, or to the flagrant cultural animus and Islamophobia. Using terminology from the education world, she might say, politely, that Prager has many “areas of growth” as a student, or that his progress toward grade level is “emerging.”
Yet Prager, a co-founder of the conservative education-media nonprofit PragerU, is one of the most influential voices in education in the United States today. PragerU is not an accredited university, but curriculum materials from its PragerU Kids division, on American history, civics, and financial literacy, are approved for optional classroom use in eleven mostly right-leaning states. (One of those states, Oklahoma, also worked with PragerU to develop a short-lived multiple-choice test intended to screen teachers for signs of “woke indoctrination.” Last year, PragerU unveiled the Founders Museum, a “partnership” with the White House and the U.S. Department of Education featuring A.I.-generated video testimonials from luminaries of the American Revolution. These include a digitized John Adams who ventriloquizes the words of the right-wing influencer Ben Shapiro, almost verbatim: “Facts do not care about our feelings.”
PragerU is also supplying the multimedia content for the Freedom Truck Mobile Museums, a travelling exhibition of touch-screen displays, Revolutionary War artifacts, and A.I. slop that will chug across the country on tractor-trailers throughout 2026, in celebration of the two-hundred-and-fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. It seems that the battle over who defines good and evil—or, at least, over who defines American history—will be waged, in part, from the helm of an eighteen-wheeler.

There's more - PragerU is a a remarkably malevolent force -but the pond will - knowing it's in the archive - do a quick edit and cut to the end, because there's only so much disunited States madness the pond can take in any one day:

...Although PragerU has won fans at the highest levels of federal and state government, its educational content and short-form videos are reviled across many chambers of the internet, where the Prager name—attached to videos with titles such as “DEI Must Die,” “Preferred Pronouns or Prison,” “Multiculturalism: A Bad Idea,” and “Is Fascism Right or Left?”—has become synonymous with MAGA-brand disinformation. (PragerU claims that its videos receive tens of millions of views per quarter, but these metrics have not been independently verified.) A PragerU Kids video called “How to Think Objectively,” which was reportedly shown in Houston public schools, provides the thinnest façade for a lesson in climate-change denial. Democratic socialism and, especially, immigration are scourges of the Prager-verse, which has attempted to undermine the constitutional provision of birthright citizenship and cranked out endless pro-ICE videos since the Department of Homeland Security began its violent occupations of Minneapolis and other major U.S. cities.
The most noxious PragerU videos often involve slavery. In the PragerU Kids series “Leo & Layla’s History Adventures,” animated versions of Frederick Douglass and Booker T. Washington are deputized to play down the historical significance of slavery; Christopher Columbus goes a step further, using slavery to introduce children to the concept of moral relativism. (“How can you come here to the fifteenth century and judge me by your standards in the twenty-first century?” Columbus asks.) A now deleted video—as bland as a corporate-compliance webinar, and scored to a generic hip-hop beat—gives Robert E. Lee a thumbs-up for crushing the attempted rebellion of enslaved people at Harper’s Ferry. The video also uncritically shares Lee’s view that slavery was harder on whites than on Black people, since “Blacks are immeasurably better off here than in Africa.”
In terms of historical facts and narrative, the A.I. videos that PragerU produced for the Founders Museum offer nothing so repugnant. In fact, they offer close to nothing at all. Like a poorly trained large language model, John Adams filibusters on his bona fides, calling himself a “voice for independence” who believed in “telling the truth” and who “stood on principle.” The content is oddly content-free, and then it repeats. Thomas Jefferson, who never blinks, says, “We must guard liberty with learning.” Adams, who seems to be reading off a teleprompter, tells us, “Guard liberty well, for, once lost, it is lost forever.” Ben Franklin agrees: “Respect this founding, friend. It is your inheritance, hard-won and fragile. Guard it well.”
A commonality across all the PragerU videos, and distinctly those in the PragerU Kids catalogue, is their total aesthetic bankruptcy, their absence of beauty or joy or wit. It’s impossible to imagine anyone enjoying any of this or electing to watch it, not because it’s factually wrong or propagandistic but because it’s ugly and boring. The intentionality of the misinformation—or the absence of information—coupled with the laziness of the execution ties a perfect knot of contempt. The various characters in “How to Think Objectively” grimace and vocalize as if the woke mob had dosed them with tainted ketamine. The “Leo & Layla” render-farm animation of Martin Luther King, Jr., sways back and forth affectlessly, like a puppet on a stick, voiced by an actor doing a bad Jay-Z impression. Perhaps Dr. King is dissociating, and the viewer should follow his lead.
In the Founders Museum, PragerU’s Chuck E. Cheese-ification of Presidents is hideous enough, but the animation deteriorates further as you click through to lesser-known revolutionaries, their mouths taking on the shape and muscular coördination of a Wombo A.I. The merchant Francis Lewis blankly recounts the death of his wife after her imprisonment by the British, and concludes, “Freedom demands much of us, but what it gives in return is everything.” Another Founder, Roger Sherman, intones, “I did my part. Now you must do yours.” It’s entirely unclear what the viewer is being asked to do, which may be the point. Dennis Prager once admitted that he didn’t mind accusations that PragerU indoctrinates its young viewers, saying, “We bring doctrines to children. That’s a very fair statement.” But perhaps indoctrination and stupefaction go hand in hand. Maybe reaching patriotic Judeo-Christian nirvana should feel like the unbearable lightness of an emptied mind.

And there it is, what a fine meditation on barking mad fundamentalist Xians - as a little both siderist balance to fundamentalist Islamics - and what a deeply weird country it is.

The pond won't be reading any of that sort of stuff in the lizard Oz soon, but what a relief it was to turn away from bog standard lizard Oz Islamophobia and Zionophilia to spend a little quality Sunday time with the Crusaders.

And so to Simon Marks, who skipped last week, but turned up yesterday ...


 


And for a little further relief, a most humorous tale of democracy and pillows flourishing in the disunited States:


 


Last but not last video distraction, news from Vlad the Sociopath's Stalin-curious Russia ...



 


And now, having gone full KJV on this day, a final thought:

Leviticus 19:34 - But the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt: I am the LORD your God.
Colossians 3:11-13 - Where there is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, Barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free: but Christ is all, and in all. Put on therefore, as the elect of God, holy and beloved, bowels of mercies, kindness, humbleness of mind, meekness, longsuffering; Forbearing one another, and forgiving one another, if any man have a quarrel against any: even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye.
Hebrews 13:1-3 -  Let brotherly love continue. Be not forgetful to entertain strangers: for thereby some have entertained angels unawares. Remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them; and them which suffer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body.

Ye verily ...



And remember, ye shall have no false gods or icons before ye ...






Saturday, February 28, 2026

In which the pond sends many reptiles to the archives, but must pay the price for the folly with the Ughmann and a "Ned" Everest climb ...

 

Pakistan at war with Afghanistan?

Sorry, this is the navel-gazing, fluff-gathering lizard Oz, and whatever this was, which briefly flashed across the digital edition of the Australian Daily Zionist News last night ...



Also sorry, this is a day when much of the reptile output must be consigned to the intermittent archive.

Where others might have chosen to focus on the absurd spectacle of David Speirs deciding to run as an independent, the lizard Oz decided to stick their oar into the croweater water with a top of the page splash:



EXCLUSIVE
Secret tape and a $2.3m lawsuit: the blackmail sting that backfired on Peter Malinauskas
No James Bond: The blackmail sting that backfired on Peter Malinauskas
It was the sting that went wrong. The future SA Premier wore a wire to catch alleged blackmailers. But Peter Malinauskas’ James Bond fantasy has become a legal nightmare as the explosive recordings surface.
By Stephen Rice

That's the best the reptiles could do to muddy the waters for the man who helped them out with writers' festivals? Isn't this boiling Rice served with a side of Dame Slap?

Whatever. No doubt the great aunts on the verandah are agitated and distraught.

What's that about Pakistan at war with Afghanistan? With Hillary's snake now in overtime... (sorry, the pond now consigns the Graudian to the intermittent archive)

Forget it Jake, it's the Zionist hive mind, and this weekend it was the turn of the dog botherer to serve the faithful, even as the ethnic cleansing going on in the West Bank continued at a deadly pace ...

The warnings we ignored: how unchecked hatred led to Bondi
Authorities’ failure to act fanned the flames of hate
For more than two years, authorities turned a blind eye to escalating extremism and rising antisemitism. We may never know if the December 14 terror attack could have been prevented, but the catastrophic failure to confront the ugliness leading up to it is undeniable.
By Chris Kenny
Associate Editor (National Affairs)

Frank's opening collage said it all ...



... so the pond left the hate mongering at that.

Ditto this, as Maley kept on banging the drum ...

11 ISIS brides, 23 kids: A nation’s diabolical mess
Australia grapples with ‘diabolic mess’ of ISIS brides’ and their children’s repatriation
Stranded Australian women in Syrian camps are using their children as a public relations tool for repatriation, forcing the nation to weigh ethical obligations against the hypocrisy of the crisis’s creators. Whatever else you say about the women, their timing has been terrible.
By Paul Maley


The pond felt the same fear it felt when confronted by a flock of nuns at St. Peters ...

The pond also left Dave howling into the King Donald wind ...

Andrew isn’t the main game, Iran is
Albanese government ‘missing in action’ as Iran crisis looms
The risk of a conflict in the Middle East is real and immediate, with consequences for Australia. The risk of King Andrew is ludicrously remote, yet this is what our Prime Minister chooses to prioritise.
By Dave Sharma



Apart from reminding the pond what it must be like to be in Ukraine or Gaza at the moment, what was Dave's idea of what we should be doing?

A serious government would be communicating to the Australian people about the heightened level of risk and reassuring them the government was assessing the situation closely and had contingencies in place.

Yep, a full blown word salad of the 'stay calm and carry on' kind.

What was that about Pakistan duking with the Taliban?

Only herpetology specialists will be interested in joining Dame Slap on planet Janet ...

Yet another Pyrrhic victory for Shane Drumgold
The Press Council’s ‘incomprehensible’ decision to back Shane Drumgold has delivered a ‘sham victory’ for the former prosecutor, forcing The Australian to republish the very misconduct findings he sought to bury.
By Janet Albrechtsen
Columnist

Frank was on fire,  and the Dame had a dictionary to hand - you never know about the word skills of the hive mind...



As well as personally ensuring Dame Slap made it into the intermittent archive, the pond, as always, is pleased to provide a link to the Press Council's wet lettuce verdict...

The pond is so over Dame Slap and the endless reverberations arising from her wretched behaviour in the Lehrmann matter...

Unfortunately all this chopping and machine gunning and archiving left the pond with few angles.

One was a now bog standard twist on climate science denialism.

Rather than feature the doom-laden future, or focus on the way that the quest for coal has ruined assorted landscapes, this is the new reptile way ...

Killing fields: ‘The general public has no idea of the enormity of what’s going on out there’
From flattened echidnas to koalas ‘finished off with a hard, sharp blow to the skull’, the inexorable rollout of colossal green energy projects in Queensland hides a dirty secret few are talking about.
By Greg Roberts

Yeah, it was more of terrifying windmills ...



The climate change challenge is urgent? 

Surely not, the pond long ago swallowed the reptile soma.

And that's how the pond ended up with the Ughmann, even though the unreformed seminarian was on a familiar path ...



The header: Treasurer urged to dismantle schemes and cut subsidies to find serious budget savings; From abolishing the Sex Discrimination Commissioner to halving tobacco taxes, a new blueprint emerges for government spending cuts.

The caption for the brilliant opening illustration, stunning in its depth and meaning, but unfortunately with the great creator going uncredited: ‘The government is not only living beyond its means, it is addicted to buying virtue and votes with other people’s money,’ says Chris Uhlmann.

The Ughmann chose to begin this 5 minute litany of whines - a useful summary of all that's currently tormenting the hive mind - by reminding reptile readers that lesbians could be bigoted and as intolerant as the hive mind is of them - and dammit, the Ughmann, being an unreformed seminarian, was at one with them.

The Treasurer is seeking serious budget savings; it is our duty to assist. Conveniently, this week the Sex Discrimination Commissioner was back in court, this time defending the agency’s decision to bludgeon the Victorian-based Lesbian Action Group into accepting transgender women at its events.
The lesbians argue that a trans‑woman lesbian is better described as a heterosexual man, a category that rationally excludes itself from polite lesbian society.
The Sex Discrimination Commissioner Anna Cody is seeking to beat this bigotry out of them and has argued in a separate case before the Federal Court that sex is not confined to being a biological concept.

The pond will note that the reptiles were generous with distracting illustrations, starting with this .. . Members of the Lesbian Action Group outside Federal Court in Melbourne on Monday. Picture: Elke Meitzel.



The Ughmann then displayed the sort of casuistry that is a hallmark of the Jesuit way ...

Casuistry dates from Aristotle (384–322 BC), and the peak of casuistry was from 1550 to 1650, when the Society of Jesus (the Jesuits) used casuistic reasoning, particularly in administering the Sacrament of Penance (or "confession").

Sorry, the pond could have gone the Opus Dei angle, but that had to do as a way of evoking the fragrant nature of the unreformed seminarian's deeply witty logic ...

In case the commissioner has failed to notice, “sex” is on the lid of the tin her agency comes in. Ergo, if sex is unmoored from meaning, the office vanishes inside its own logic and abolishes itself.
Let’s bank the savings and thank the commissioner and her poly-pronouned staff for this national service. This is an unusually helpful intervention from bureaucrats, and there should be more of this kind of innovative self-cancelling. The Albanese government also can bank the cash from junking the annual Women’s Budget Statement, given female is now a dodo designation.
It is difficult to determine how much abolishing the Sex Discrimination Commissioner and related staff would save taxpayers because the budget is warehoused inside the Australian Human Rights Commission. According to its last annual report, the total cost of the whole shebang was about $42m.

The reptiles helped out with the Ughmann's fantasy life with the next snap ... Sex Discrimination Commissioner Anna Cody. Picture: NCA NewsWire / Martin Ollman



Time to put aside the small potatoes bigotry and get on to the real point of the litany, a snowflake whine about pretty much everything ...

This is small potatoes in the search for meaningful budget savings, so let’s just abolish the lot. The commission has become an activist grievance factory and there is already plenty of that in the private sector. In the real economy, government expansion crowds out private enterprise. Curiously, grievance production appears to be perfectly inelastic.
Which is why we can also punt the Environmental Defenders Office. This agency has received about $3m in federal grants in the past two years. In that time it has been comprehensively towelled up in two cases against Santos: one to block its Barossa gas project and another to challenge the company’s clean‑energy claims.
In the Barossa case, Justice Natalie Charlesworth was scathing about the office’s work, finding that a cultural mapping exercise undertaken by its expert witness was “so lacking in integrity that no weight can be placed on them”.
Translation: file this evidence under fiction.

The pond had pretty much tuned out at this point, with the reptiles' worship of gas (and don't forget coal) coming to the fore yet again, The first gas cargo from Santos’ Barossa LNG project being loaded in January.



By now the Ughmann was on a roll ...

The costs order in the Barossa case was for more than $9m, and the office says it covered the bill using insurance, its own savings and an interest-free private loan.
That is also a very helpful insight. Jim Chalmers can cut its grants with a clear conscience, as the office has admitted that private donors are willing to bankroll its ideological jihads.
The only problem with these admittedly culturally priceless savings is that they do not begin to dent the Himalaya of debt this government has helped pile up. None of these cuts would materially alter the fiscal trajectory towards hell. To bank serious savings, the Treasurer must turn to the heavy machinery of government.
Economist Stephen Anthony, who chaired the Independent Pricing Committee into the National Disability Insurance Scheme, says big savings are hiding in plain sight.
The scheme flipped the model of supporting disability services through state grants to giving individuals a budget to “go shopping” in an invented disability marketplace. This is a market in name only, propped up by taxpayer funding, largely immune to price signals and bound by rules that blunt competition.
Anthony’s fix is simple: roll out the digital payments platform the agency built in partnership with the Commonwealth Bank, trialled with providers by mid-2023 and then inexplicably shelved. This system would screen 100 per cent of transactions in real time, pay only into verified provider accounts, automatically detect and block fraud, overpricing and scheme gaming, and generate savings he says run to billions.

Then came another visual distraction, as the Ughmann went all socialist and "tax the filthy rich", a new reptile angle: The Albanese government’s three-day childcare guarantee ‘should be tightly means‑tested, tapering out completely between household incomes of $150,000 and $200,000’. Picture: NewsWire/ John Appleyard



The Ughmann naturally had renewables in his sights.

At last a chance to restore public ownership of public resources! 

Billions more could be saved by dismantling the marketplace built for energy grifters.
Getting a handle on the money hosed at the energy transition is all but impossible, but Michael Wu of the Centre for Independent Studies has done the yeoman’s work in trying to track it down.
In a 2024 paper he estimates that federal subsidies to renewables across an acronym soup of programs have totalled about $29bn in the past decade, or roughly $2.6bn a year on average, and notes this is a conservative figure that leaves out big-ticket items such as Snowy 2.0, state schemes and the Capacity Investment Scheme.
Governments insist wind, solar, batteries and electric vehicles are already the best value for money. Excellent. Then cut every subsidy. Nothing reveals the truth of a price claim faster than exposure to the market. Technologies that are genuinely cheaper will thrive; those that are not will stop gorging at the taxpayer trough.
There is also a matter of equity. Subsidies for rooftop solar, batteries and electric vehicles flow mainly to households with good incomes while the costs are spread across everyone else through taxes, network charges and higher system costs. Labor’s energy interventions expose the new progressive project: the old demand for power to the people has become power for the privileged.

Inevitably Jimbo incurred the former seminarian's ire ...Treasurer Jim Chalmer’s choice is to ‘keep building a perpetual‑motion money-munching machine or begin dismantling it’. Picture: Dan Peled / NewsWire




He always looks so puzzled and quizzical in the reptile world.

Now please, let's hear it for gas and coal, because we've never heard the reptiles say this before ...

Then admit gas and coal to the Capacity Investment Scheme and require NSW and Victoria to develop their gas reserves. More supply, lower prices. Energy markets behave like other markets when governments stop engineering scarcity. Cutting electricity prices, rather than subsidising them, would lift productivity, ease inflation and deliver relief no rebate can match.
The Albanese government’s three-day childcare guarantee removed the activity test for the first three days of subsidised care and extended support to families earning up to about $530,000 a year, under a program now costing about $16bn a year. Why give money to the rich? The subsidy should be tightly means‑tested, tapering out completely between household incomes of $150,000 and $200,000. On reasonable assumptions, that kind of cap would strip subsidies from high-income households and free up several billion dollars a year in savings.
Reverse the decision to cut Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme co-payments and freeze indexation. The indexed model at least asked people who used more medicines to share modestly in rising costs; locking co-payments in place simply shifts that burden on to taxpayers. What looks compassionate at the pharmacy counter is regressive in the budget.

Finally there came a desperate attempt by Frank to show that he was on fire ...Organised crime has fiery grip on Australia's illicit tobacco trade. Artwork: Frank Ling



That inspired the Ughmann to cry out for more deaths by way of smoking ...

On the flip side, cut the tobacco excise in half and freeze it. The architects of relentless twice-yearly excise hikes can take a bow. They pushed prices to the point where they spawned a thriving black market, enriched criminals, gutted tax revenue and herded ordinary Australians into the illicit market. Legal tobacco excise collections have more than halved from $16bn a year in 2020 to about $7.4bn in the past financial year. The government is now spending hundreds of millions policing a problem its own price signals created. Punitive taxation has not crushed demand; it has merely changed suppliers.
So, here is the Treasurer’s choice. He can keep building a perpetual‑motion money-munching machine or begin dismantling it. The first step is recognising the truth: the government is not only living beyond its means, it is addicted to buying virtue and votes with other people’s money.

So there you have it. The Ughmann pretty much summarised all that's malicious and nasty going down in the hive mind.

Speaking of getting rid of things, TT was on a similar sort of roll last week, and as the pond has an unendurable Everest to go, it's time for a break ...



You see, there was a dire price to pay for the pond's winnowing.

The pond had created room for a fifteen minute ramble by "Ned" through ancient times:



The header: Governing from the gut: 30 years on, John Howard spills the secret of his success; On the eve of the 30-year anniversary of becoming PM, John Howard talks the most dangerous moment of his time in office, his fear of failure, the keys to 11 years in the office, and the Howard-Costello double act.

The caption for Emilia's work joining the chortling clowns in a collage: Paul Costello, left and John Howard share a laugh. Artwork by Emilia Tortorella.

Fifteen bloody minutes of "Ned" keeping company with the lying rodent!

It was too much for a possum to bear. It was like climbing Mars' biggest mountain, which definitely shades your average Everest.

But the pond gets it. The current prospects are dismal, what with the beefy boofhead from down Goulburn way probably just a seat warmer, and not helped by Susssan's scarpering and setting up a byelection that will happen sooner rather than later.

What else can two old farts do than wander down golden-tinted memory lane, recalling triumphant times?

Memory, all alone in the moonlight
I can dream of the old days
Life was beautiful then

I remember the time
I knew what happiness was
Let the memory live again

The pond saw no reason to interrupt this bout of talkaholism, of the kind that doddery old gents like to indulge in.

Let them have at it, and let correspondents nod off to sleep when the mood takes them ...

The pond has noted a certain fatigue in correspondents' comments of late, and this should pretty much wear them all out...

Next week hails the 30th anniversary of John Howard’s election as prime minister on March 2, 1996, a defining event for the Liberal Party. In a remarkably frank interview Howard reveals the most dangerous moment during his time in office, his fear of failure and the keys to his 11 years in office.
Three elements, above all, made Howard the nation’s second longest prime minister after Sir Robert Menzies. They were his intuitive grasp of the character of the Australian people, his ceaseless efforts to maintain the uncontested support of the party room for the entire time and his unique executive power troika involving Peter Costello as treasurer and Alexander Downer as foreign minister.
Success over 11 years, however, was delivered by another element, too easily forgotten and barely mentioned in polite company – Howard was driven by a relentless, almost unquenchable personal ambition to become prime minister and, once in the job, was tenacious in his repeated refusal to stand aside. Howard was as ambitious as Bob Hawke in his seeking the highest office and more successful than Hawke in keeping it.
Over four election victories Howard’s success with the public and his support within the parliamentary party became self-reinforcing factors.
This circle, for a long time, was unbreakable until the public broke it at the 2007 election in favour of Kevin Rudd, an opponent whom Howard had misread.
It started with gun laws
Howard was a ruthless pragmatist but a conviction politician. He absorbed advice but on every big decision he relied on something else – his instinct. He governed from his brain but also from his stomach. Surveying every big decision – on gun reform, the GST, halting the Tampa, labour market reform and going to war in Iraq – Howard reacted instinctively. For better or worse, he knew what he was going to do.
When the author put this to Howard, he confirmed it. “You’ve explained it well,” he said. “I mean, I governed, on big issues, largely by instinct.” It started with the gun laws: “My instinct after Port Arthur was, ‘Gosh, what’s the point of having this huge majority if you don’t do something?’ I did and it worked.”

Cue the first of many triumphant interruptions: Then-PM John Howard, with outline of what appears to be bullet proof vest visible under his suit jacket, tries to placate hostile pro-gun rally in Sale, Victoria. Following the Port Arthur massacre, two federally funded gun buyback and voluntary surrenders resulted in more than a million firearms being collected or destroyed. Picture: Ray Strange



From that time, Howard’s instinct drove the critical decisions – often they took weeks or months to finalise, but Howard knew his instinct from the start. It was a successful but risky way to run the nation – it led to the Iraq war decision and the supra-danger of the GST that nearly finished him.
Yet Howard’s leadership is conspicuous for its long era of political stability. The contrast with its bookends is stunning. For the 15 years before Howard became prime minister and in the nearly 20 years since his departure politics has been rived by leadership turbulence and chronic challenges, an affliction more prevalent in the Liberals than the Labor Party.
Few people see much parallel between Howard and Anthony Albanese, but there is a singular parallel – their fixation on stability. Consider the Liberal leadership rollcall after Howard left the stage: Brendan Nelson, Malcolm Turnbull, Tony Abbott, Turnbull again, Scott Morrison, Peter Dutton, Sussan Ley, Angus Taylor. That’s eight changes of leadership in 19 years. Howard, by contrast, never faced a ballot between 1995 and 2007. A remarkable record.
He governed by command through consultation. Since Howard’s departure in 2007 the Liberals have pretended to follow his model but have never remotely duplicated his success.
Howard and Costello: the double act
In extensive interviews with Howard and Costello for this three-part anniversary series, the two principal figures have revealed the flashpoints that nearly brought them undone, the reasons for their success and the nature of the extraordinary Howard-Costello partnership, highly effective but loaded for an explosion that never came.
Asked to rate the Howard government, former Liberal MP and Howard minister Abbott told the author: “I believe this was our most recent best government. It was the last truly successful government that we have had because it wasn’t just a political success – winning four elections – it was a policy success with tax reform, workplace relations reform, welfare reform, improvements in living standards and a major boost to our global standing with examples like the East Timor intervention.”

At this point the reptiles inserted an embedded item which eluded the pond and which also didn't turn up in the archived version of "Ned's" Everest climb.

With a sigh of relief - sometimes failure can provide a tremendous sense of relief - the pond refused to offer a cartoon as an alternative and instead moved on, if only to brood about the man who lacked the ticker...

Asked to rate Howard, Abbott said: “Plainly he’s right up there with (Robert) Menzies and he surpasses (Malcolm) Fraser. I am tempted to say he is at least as good as and arguably better than Menzies because I think political leadership is getting harder all the time and it was tougher in Howard’s time than in Menzies’ time.
“Costello, as treasurer, was critically important and, to be honest, he doesn’t get enough credit for the role he played and the economic reforms he delivered.
“I’ve got to say, had Costello been of a different character he could easily have undermined Howard and made Howard’s position impossible, but he didn’t, he chose not to do that.”
Contemporary government in Australia is anchored in a rare but proven model – an outstanding prime minister and an outstanding treasurer, and a capacity for them to work together. Hawke and Paul Keating were the Labor model from 1983 to 1991; Howard and Costello the Liberal model for 11 years.
But longevity takes its toll. Howard stayed beyond his natural time. Asked if he should have stood down for Costello, Howard said: “I don’t have any regrets. I mean I regret the fact that we lost the 2007 election. But there was an overwhelming feeling in the parliamentary party that I had a better chance of winning than anybody else.”
Why Costello didn’t challenge
In 2006 Costello told Howard he should resign to allow a smooth transition – Costello felt that was in the interests of the Liberal Party, Australia and Howard himself. Costello, unlike Keating, declined to challenge.
“Am I upset Howard didn’t go?” Costello asked. “Well, I think the country would be better off if he had gone.” Reflecting on his decision, Costello said: “You had to be prepared to tear down the leader. I didn’t think that would be good for the Liberal Party or for the country. I think you know I was probably the most reformist treasurer in Australian history. There’s only two candidates for that, there’s Keating and there’s me, so even if you take another view, you’d have to say the second most reformist treasurer in Australian history.”
There was nothing inevitable about the Howard prime ministership – it was built by Howard, brick by brick. Despite his impressive 1996 victory over Keating no observers at that time believed Howard would win four elections and come second to Menzies on longevity. Even today, people are still confused about how he did it.

Again the pond failed to record the reptile embed, and again the pond moved on with a sense of relief ...

The answer is to see Howard in a prime ministerial journey of growing confidence and daily learning, with a deeply astute reading of Australian sentiment. Ultimately, the answer resides in judgment. Howard’s success is based on a remarkable ability to discern when to stay cautious and when to strike with political aggression. When he was cautious he was very cautious; and when he was aggressive he was very aggressive.
Howard as prime minister was shaped by two competing compulsions – he championed social stability yet he drove economic and cultural change. Howard said he wanted Australians to be “relaxed and comfortable” while he pioneered a series of initiatives that changed the country. For a decade, Labor struggled and never got a precise fix on him. Howard was an unusual conservative – more conspicuous for what he changed than for what he maintained, much more of a change agent than Menzies, yet looking like a reassuring friendly uncle.
Consider the contrast. While Howard championed the monarchy, the flag, patriotism, family values, the US alliance, Christian norms, social conservatism, the Anzac ethos, rejection of an apology to the Indigenous people, rejection of gay marriage, respect for institutions, distrust of the multicultural ethos and upheld every conservative tradition, he also promoted with varying success a long series of decisive changes – witness the GST, the showdown on the waterfront, border protection, war commitments in Afghanistan and Iraq, reformed gun laws, labour market deregulation and then Work Choices, family tax benefits, mutual obligation in welfare reform, the Northern Territory intervention – while his government secured, through Costello, repeated budget surpluses, the elimination of federal debt, privatisations and Reserve Bank independence.
Howard made the Liberals a party of social and economic attack, yet this was confounding to many of his opponents.

For some reason, the pond also couldn't score the AV distraction described as Paul Kelly joins Claire Harvey to discuss the 30th anniversary of John Howard's election

Nor could the archived version capture anything but the caption. 

But these were just droplets of mercy for the pond, too busy drowning in the deep end of the pool

The month before his election, Howard said: “I give you this pledge: I want to do everything in my power to preserve the social fabric of this nation.” He wanted people to be proud of their history and their Western civilisational heritage. He said: “I believed very strongly in the doctrine that an attack was the best form of defence when it came to something we believed in.”
The year he took office Howard said: “I think I am fairly mainstream. I can’t be, in any way, typecast as an establishment figure.” He was the conservative as populist, the champion of middle-class self-improvement, and created an opportunistic cultural code for his prime ministership – he embodied the “mainstream” mob and felt sure that “mainstream” conveyed both strength and popularity. This was a different brand of conservatism to Menzies, suited to a different time.
Howard’s battlers
Howard recruited the “mainstream” mob against the pro-Labor sectional and progressive interests and proved, to their shock, the appeal of social conservatism and the extent to which the public believed in the traditions of family, nation, responsibility and sovereignty.
Howard was ruthless in delivering for his voting constituencies: small business, the lower middle-income legions known as the Howard battlers, the over-55-year-olds and traditional families. He offered them benefits, bribes and ideological assurance.
He became a hate figure among progressives because he specialised in exposing the flaws in their ideology. Over the years a progressive minority launched a furious moralistic campaign against him, accusing him of waging a culture war, essentially over three issues: his ineptitude on Indigenous policy and inability to come to terms with the apology; his brutal exploitation of the Tampa affair to elevate border protection over asylum-seeker demands; and his Iraq war commitment aligned with US president George W. Bush and the subsequent revelation Iraq did not possess a WMD capability. The origin of Australia’s contemporary cultural split dates back to the political fragmentation over Howard’s agenda.

Then the reptiles decided to rub it in, with another triumph ... John Howard claims victory for the Coalition, and become Prime Minister, in 1996. Picture: Michael Jones



The dangerous GST moment
Yet Howard’s golden run almost never happened. Herein lies the sheer knife-edged nature of political life. It is not for the faint-hearted.
Howard revealed that his most dangerous moment as prime minister came with the 1998 re-election on the GST after a single term as PM. The advice from Liberal Party federal director Lynton Crosby on election night was that his exit poll was 53-47 against Howard and pointed to the government’s defeat. Howard immediately broke the bad news to his wife, Janette, and their three children at Kirribilli House.
He told the author: “I thought if that poll were borne out, I would lose the election and I would be seen as having failed – that having got there, people would say, ‘Oh, he travelled over a lot of bodies to get there, and he gets this huge majority (in 1996) which is largely an anti-Keating vote.’ That’s what they would have said. I’d have been seen as failed.
“Richard, my youngest son and youngest child, engaged in a bit of gallows humour, like ‘we can play more golf, Dad.’ It was tough on the family. I felt a bit that I might have let them down and also my colleagues.
“I had thought in the lead-up to the poll that I could well go down as a one-term prime minister. I was thinking: What will I be remembered for, except squandering this huge majority, maybe for guns reform, but guns would grow in retrospect. Tax reform, yeah, but they’d say, you were stupid because you tried to win on tax.”
‘Amazed we got away with it’
Asked about the high-risk GST campaign, Costello said: “I was very worried. The thing about the GST is, it’s not normal tax reform. A GST taxes all goods, all services, all people, every day. Keating in the ’93 campaign said it was a life-changing tax. You get up in the morning, you use your toothbrush, it’s got GST, your toothpaste has GST; you turn on your light, it’s got GST; you turn on the toaster, it’s been paid with GST; you get in your car, it’s got GST, your petrol’s got a GST, your car insurance has GST. Every person, every day. When you look back, I’m amazed we got away with it.”
There is one reason the government got away with it – in hundreds of interviews, Costello never made a single mistake – not one. No other politician could have delivered that performance. He was haunted daily by John Hewson’s blunder in the 1993 campaign trying to explain how the GST would affect the cost of a birthday cake, knowing another blunder would be fatal.
“Every day on talkback radio they’d invite people to call in,” Costello said. “Tell me how the GST will apply to racehorse winnings. I remember that one. What will it do to your TAB bets? What will it do to timeshare, I mean timeshare holiday apartments? Of course, the Labor Party’s ringing in and getting their people to ring in. One error and it’s gone.”

At last Petey boy made the pictorial cut ...Peter Costello was acutely aware of the dangers of the GST debate: ‘One error and it’s gone’. Picture: Getty Images 




Brave lad, though perhaps not so brave, perhaps lacking a little ticker ...

The stakes for Howard were highly personal because the July 1997 decision to run on tax reform spearheaded by the GST was his personal decision, though strongly backed by Costello who took responsibility for designing the package. Howard won with his majority reduced from 45 to 12 seats with the Labor opposition under Kim Beazley taking 18 seats from the Coalition and winning the two-party-preferred vote 51-49 per cent. Howard survived – and probably attempted the GST reform – only because of his big initial 1996 majority.
The 1998 election was the pivotal point in the Howard prime ministership. Taking a huge risk, Howard had avoided a one-term debacle. Defeat would have condemned his political gamble and destroyed Liberal Party self-belief. Instead of being the nation’s second longest serving prime minister, Howard would have been dismissed as a “oncer” and a failure, a PM not fit for the job. Labor, having ruled for five terms under Hawke and Keating, would have been back in power after just three years. The Liberals would have sunk into crisis.
But something else happened: Howard and Liberals had the genius to turn this narrow win into a triumph. Crosby said: “We used the GST and the victory to build the idea of Howard as the political strongman.” No other Western world leader had been re-elected on such ambitious tax reform. Howard had a new status – a re-elected conviction PM, astute at politics and brave on reform. He cultivated and rode this identity for years.
Labor could never stomach this depiction yet it gained traction. It gave the Liberals a powerful credo and it invested Howard with enhanced authority and a pathway to the future.
The Liberals vest a special status in their leader. Howard understood this and realised its full potential. After all, his first leadership from 1985 to 1989 finished in his humiliating party room removal. This loss was seared in his consciousness.
Explaining his over-arching priority as prime minister, he told Inquirer: “I invested a lot of time and effort in building personal relations with everybody in the party room. I held very strongly to the view that the most important relationship of a political leader is between him and the people he immediately leads, and the people you immediately lead are the members of the parliamentary party.”
On leadership consultation, he made a criticism of his successors: “I think the key to a lot of the turbulence that followed my time was the failure of leaders on both sides to understand that. You can never delegate that job to somebody else.”

Then came the dynamic duo in a pose reminding the pond of all the snaps it got of assorted Tamworth High School reunions which the pond never attended,  John Howard and Peter Costello at thhis (sic, because even the sub-editor nodded off) week’s Aspire conference in Sydney. Picture: Jane Dempster/The Australian



Howard prioritised the reinterpretation of the party for a new generation. While he constantly invoked Menzies, he offered a significant shift from Menzies in Liberal philosophical meaning, casting the Liberals as embodying two traditions – conservative values and classical liberalism. This was his personal conviction but designed to expand the voting base of the party, something many Liberals in recent years seemed clueless to grasp.
Having been converted in the 1980s to the so-called dries, Howard became an exponent of market forces and deregulation, and summarised his classical liberalism as “economic discipline, balancing budgets, opting for expenditure control, reforming the industrial relations system and the tax system where possible, and we went very strongly on privatisation.”
In the interview Howard said what struck him about the Australian people was “the consistency and ageless character of our identity”.
He said: “I’ve often reflected on this whole thing. The externalities have changed and the language has changed, but the essence of the Australian identity hasn’t changed. I operated on the assumption that when it came to social values we were always going to be a conservative government.” He said this was strongly supported by the senior figures – John Anderson, Costello and Downer.
Howard’s inner sanctum
These were the ministers who formed the inner sanctum. “There were four people I regularly trusted on a regular basis because I had to,” Howard said, and named them – Anderson, Costello, Downer and Peter Reith, who stayed for only the first half of the government. Anderson and Howard were close personally and politically. Anderson was the longest serving Nationals leader, following Tim Fischer and succeeded by Mark Vaile. “With all three, their word was their bond,” Howard said. Each was a dedicated coalitionist in a National Party different to that of today. Howard’s passion for Coalition arrangements derives from the immense stability the Coalition delivered his government.

There came a brief respite from the relentless scribbled hagiography with a different kind of hagiography, a hagiographic snap, meeemooories (sung in the Streisdand style) of lost power and glory days, Howard’s key men: Alexander Downer, left, John Anderson, third from left, Peter Costello, on Anderson’s right, and Peter Reith, far right. Picture: Michael Jones



While Howard and Costello had some significant policy disagreements, the big story was their concord on the economy. Costello said: “People say, oh you didn’t get on with Howard. Let me tell you, every Monday morning I sat next to him in cabinet. For 11½ years, every sitting morning I sat next to him in the PM’s office. I don’t think we ever had a fight.
“We had policy disagreements. I don’t think we ever had a policy fight. In terms of working together, it was very successful until we got to the end.
“The big overall economic policy was set by me, with more support in the early days from Howard. The big calls were: let’s balance the budget, pay off debt and ultimately let’s set up a sovereign fund to build assets, let’s broaden the indirect tax base, reduce income tax, cut capital gains tax, let’s have an ambitious micro-economic reform program. These are the things I really believed in.”
Howard is praiseworthy of Costello but careful: “I rate him very highly, I always have and I still do,” he said. “His first budget was terrific. It laid the foundation. Of course, he did a great job in construction the detail of the GST.”

And so at last to the final visual distraction, Prime Minister John Howard congratulates Federal Treasurer Peter Costello after his 1996 Budget speech.



And that was followed by "Ned's" last extended gobbet ...

Downer was the minister closest to Howard in a personal sense, a legacy of his decision to surrender the leadership to Howard in 1995. The trust between Howard and Downer ran deep. They had similar views and instincts on nearly every critical foreign policy decision from the East Timor intervention, to invoking the ANZUS Treaty, to deepening the US alliance under Bush and the Iraq war commitment.
Howard is sensitive about the forces that delivered his third election win in 2001, coming after two epic events – the stopping of the Tampa and the Al-Qa’ida attack on 9/11 when Howard was in Washington. He makes a brave call that many would contest. Howard said: “My conviction is that we would have won the 2001 election without the impact either of 9/11 or the Tampa, but it would have been a much smaller majority. It could have been a near thing.”
This assessment is critical. Howard’s critics argue he survived into a third term only because of good fortune – Tampa and 9/11. But this largely avoids the point – prime ministers must deal with emergencies on their watch and there is never any guarantee they will get it right. Tampa is the obvious example.
Howard reveals that the Norwegian government was the indirect agent that made the Tampa event happen. The Tampa was a Norwegian container ship en route to Indonesia when it rescued more than 400 asylum-seekers who intimidated the captain and forced him to alter course for Christmas Island. The government was outraged. Downer had a futile call with Norway’s foreign minister. No result.
Howard said: “The ignition point was the final refusal of the Norwegians to tell their captain to turn around and go back to Indonesia. Our understanding under the law was that it had to return to the port from whence it came. But the Norwegians were determined to do otherwise. There was a fair amount of European disdain for the way we were handling this, particularly coming out of Scandinavia – ‘you don’t understand, you wild colonials’.
“They’re very good at lecturing others. I had no doubt then, I have no doubt now, that if the Norwegian government had changed its tune, things would have stopped there.”
When the Tampa entered Australian waters, Special Air Service troops boarded and took control of the ship. Howard’s point is obvious: he didn’t create the Tampa issue and he didn’t respond for domestic political purposes – he responded as a prime minister facing a direct challenge to the nation’s borders. The issue that infuriated his critics only enhanced Howard’s authority and cast him as a champion of sovereignty, the ultimate conservative branding.

You see, Dave?

Nothing to worry about here. No need to worry about King Donald's desire to bermb, bermb, bermb Iran, even though he'd obliterated the program earlier in the year, and even though the bermbing was simply designed to restore a treaty he'd torn up,  because .... Obama ...

All you have to do is wander down memory lane with "Ned" and soon enough you'll be as snug as a bug, deep in the hive mind, lost somewhere in the 1950s ... with not a care in the world.